Working for families – is it a handout?

By Stuart Birks

6 April 2006

 

The “Working for Families” package is described on the internet at: http://www.workingforfamilies.govt.nz/. The description includes the statement, “It pays extra money to many thousands of New Zealand families.

 

Richard Prebble’s The Letter of 3 April 2006 states, “350,000 families became beneficiaries on 1 April… Labour …have just added 350,000 families, around 600,000 voters (20%) to state dependency.”

 

Perhaps we should not consider it as a benefit or even a payment. Imagine a household with two adults and four children, having one income earner on $100,000 annual pre-tax income. In 2005 it would have paid $30,270 in income tax. Under the Working for Families package, it would receive $68 per fortnight or $1,768 for the year.[1] Should this household be considered to be a beneficiary household, or one paying $28,502 in tax?

 

One approach to equity considers two dimensions, horizontal equity and vertical equity. There is nothing particularly profound about the concepts. Horizontal equity states that those in the same circumstances should be treated the same. Vertical equity states that those in different circumstances should have an “appropriate” difference in treatment.

 

The problem in applying these concepts lies in determining what are the same and different circumstances, and what are appropriate differences in treatment. Should we consider household income alone in determining the amount of tax to be paid, or should household composition also be considered? With income taxes, the amount of tax paid varies with income. In other words, different incomes are considered as different circumstances.  This is not the case with different numbers of dependent children (for income tax in New Zealand). It could be argued on this basis that Working for Families is partly correcting for an inequity in the income tax structure.

 

The Jensen scale is one New Zealand measure for comparing households. It can be used to get an indication of the possible unfairness that would arise if no allowance is made for differences in numbers of dependents. It is intended to show the equivalent levels of after-tax income required for different households to achieve the same standard of living. We could question the specifics of the scale, but it is used here for illustration only.

 

Consider again our couple with four children and a single income of $100,000 before tax in 2005. Income tax at $30,270 is just over 30% of income. According to my information on the scale where the basic unit is one adult, this household would need 2.69 times the after-tax income of an adult living alone on the same living standard. As we are just looking at the issue of differential treatment according to number of children, consider a comparison to a couple with no children. They would need 1.54 times the single person’s after-tax income.

 

Assuming single-income households, this indicates that an after-tax income of this four child household of $69,730 gives an equivalent standard of living to a single person with $25,922, or a couple with $39,920 (after tax). This latter, for the couple, is the after tax income of someone earning $51,925, but such a person is only paying 23% of income in tax. Is it fair that, with two households on the same standard of living, one (a couple) is paying 23% of income in tax, whereas another (a couple with four children) is paying 30%? To put this another way, if these two households are on the same income, the same tax would be paid by both, although the equal after-tax incomes mean that the couple-only household has a standard of living 75% (2.65/1.54 – 1) higher than the household with four children.

 

It could be said that people can choose the number of children they have, so why should this affect the tax paid? Alternatively, it could equally be said that people have some choice about the level of income they obtain by deciding how hard to work, and yet we do not question income-related taxes.

 

Just as it could be argued that “Working for Families” payments are actually reductions in tax for many households, it could equally be said that the above discussion considers only income tax, rather than all taxes. What would happen if we considered also GST?

 

It might be reasonable to assume that, with two households on the same income, the one with more dependent children will have to spend more (and therefore save less). GST is a fixed proportion of spending, so GST payments increase as spending rises. Therefore, the share of income paid in GST rises with the proportion of income spent. Hence, on this assumption about spending, the household with more children is paying more GST. Both households being on the same income, with no adjustments for children they are paying the same amount of income tax. Hence the total tax paid by the household with more children is higher than that of a household with fewer children. Is that equitable?

 

There is yet another angle, one that can yield very different results. Instead of considering solely payments, we could also consider the benefits people receive from expenditure funded through taxes. In the extreme case, when we overlook any redistributive objectives of taxation, a “fair” tax structure is one where people pay according to the amount of public money spent on them (an extreme, generalized user-pays system). In this situation, we should note that public education expenditure benefits families with children. Similarly, health care costs are higher for young and old, and will be higher for larger households. On this basis, it could be argued that families with children should pay more tax rather than less. To take this a stage further, those sending their children to state schools obtain more taxpayer-funded education than those using private schools. Should there be differences in tax treatment?

 

For yet another dimension, those without children may benefit in their old age from the taxes paid by others’ children. More generally, we may all benefit from tax-funded expenditure on others. Such benefits could justify cross-household tax-funded expenditure.

 

To summarise, it is a gross over-simplification to say that “Working for Families” is making many families into beneficiaries. Rather, there may be very good reasons to take account of family or household composition when deciding on both tax and expenditure by the public sector.